Archives March 2024

Corruption and Rights Abuses Are Flourishing in Lithium Mining Across Africa, a New Report Finds

The global clean energy transition could be a game changer for Africa, but exploitation of miners continues as many foreign mining companies ignore local opposition.

On a Sunday afternoon in March 2023, Darlington Vito was shot in the head outside an industrial lithium mine in Masvingo Province, Zimbabwe. 

A subsistence miner, he had been searching for chunks of ore in a rubble pile when a security guard at the mine site fired his weapon without warning, family members and local human rights activists said in interviews. Vito died a week later from his injuries. 

For Vito and other locals living near the mine, the global lithium boom brought the promise of economic opportunity to the poverty-stricken region. Global demand for lithium, a lightweight metal used in electric vehicles, mobile phones and energy storage systems, is expected to increase fortyfold from 2020 to 2040, as the world moves away from fossil fuels and toward renewable sources of energy to mitigate climate change. 

Some Zimbabweans have found formal employment at the country’s seven industrial-scale lithium mines, but thousands of others have flocked to informal mining sites where they use basic tools like picks and shovels to dig up chunks of lithium ore, which they then sell to traders who truck the ore across the border to South Africa for export and processing abroad. 

While Zimbabwe’s president Emmerson Mnangagwa has said the lithium industry will buoy the nation’s flailing economy, watchdog groups and local communities say Zimbabweans have heard similar promises made about diamonds, gold and other resources, only to see the benefits accrue to wealthy elites while locals’ labor and ecosystems are exploited.

Zimbabwe made over $200 million in revenue from lithium in the first nine months of 2023. But economists have estimated that Zimbabwe lost roughly $12 billion from 1980 to 2012 through illegal trade and capital flight involving multinational businesses in the resource extraction industry. The nation’s national debt as of September 2022 was $14 billion. 

A new report from the nonprofit Global Witness validates civil society groups’ concerns about exploitative labor practices and environmental destruction associated with lithium mining. The report, released Tuesday, identifies multiple alleged incidents of corruption, unsafe working conditions, forced evictions, child labor and harmful environmental practices tied to lithium mining in Zimbabwe, Namibia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. 

“History is on course to repeat itself,” said Colin Robertson, a senior investigator at Global Witness and one of the report’s authors.

Family members of Vito, the man shot adjacent to the mine, told Inside Climate News that they are not aware of any formal investigation into the killing and that they lack the resources needed to pursue legal action against the mine’s foreign owner. No criminal charges have been filed. Earlier this year, the mine was forced to temporarily suspend operations related to alleged labor law violations and has faced allegations from civil society groups relating to its environmental record and treatment of local communities. 

Corruption, Abuse and Displacement

The Global Witness report recounts local press reporting of illegal and unethical activities, some of which have hidden in plain sight.

In Namibia, the researchers relied on open source information, satellite imagery and public records to report that a Chinese mining company allegedly used a front company to acquire several small-scale licenses for less than $140 for a multi-million dollar industrial-scale open pit mine. 

The lesser licenses allowed the company to skirt some environmental regulatory requirements, the report says. 

Lawmakers and activists have levied accusations at the company for mistreating its Namibian workers, who are housed in squalid “apartheid” conditions separated from the lodging built for the company’s Chinese workers. 

Similar allegations have been directed at lithium mining companies operating in Zimbabwe.

Neither the Namibian nor the Zimbabwean embassies in Washington D.C. immediately responded to requests for comment. 

In November 2022, subsistence miners working in a lithium mine in Zimbabwe were forced to pay to join the “Zimbabwe Miners Federation,” a state-registered organization whose president is Henrietta Rushwaya, the report says. Rushwaya, who earlier this month was convicted of trying to smuggle gold worth over $300,000 out of the country, has ties to the ruling ZANU-PF party. Since ZMF obtained a license at the mine, subsistence miners operating there say they receive 75 percent less for the lithium ore they extract. 

Farai Maguwu, director of Harari-based Centre for Natural Resource Governance, said families living near another mine in Zimbabwe were presented with contracts earlier this year whereby locals would agree to vacate their homes and relocate in exchange for roughly $1,900. Families were told that if they refused to sign the agreements, their homesteads would be destroyed and they would get nothing because the land belonged to a chief who had made a deal with the company. 

“These are people who endured some of the worst atrocities imaginable fighting for this land, for independence, and now they’re being told, ‘this is not your land,’” Maguwu said, referring to the violent conflict that ended majority-white rule in the former colony of Rhodesia, leading to Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980. 

Earlier this year, the U.S. nonprofit Oxfam America released its own report analyzing the policies of companies involved in the mining of materials critical to the clean-energy transition. Researchers looked at whether the mining companies had policies regarding “Free Prior and Informed Consent,” a human right recognized in various international and national laws that requires Indigenous and local communities be consulted about, and given the opportunity to approve or reject, projects that affect them. 

The Oxfam researchers found that 29 of 43 companies they reviewed had public policies promising to respect human rights, while fewer had commitments addressing the Free Prior and Informed Consent rights of Indigenous and local communities. Nearly all companies with FPIC policies qualified them so that they could still move forward if consent of the community is not obtained. “Global climate action cannot be used to justify further harm and human rights abuses of Indigenous and local communities across the globe,” the Oxfam report said.  

The authors of both the Oxfam and Global Witness reports called on companies, governments and investors to embed human rights and anti-corruption due diligence into their policies and laws, and to implement transparent and independent enforcement mechanisms and third-party monitoring.

Civil society groups and local communities have also called on governments in Africa to ensure the continent captures more of the economic benefits of its resource wealth. In the case of lithium extraction, that means building local processing facilities that can turn raw lithium ore into the more valuable chemical compounds used in batteries. 

Currently, most downstream processing takes place in China, which mines about 30 percent of hard rock lithium worldwide and processes roughly 60 percent. Over the past year, both Namibia and Zimbabwe have passed legislation banning the export of unprocessed lithium ore in hopes of promoting investment in domestic processing facilities. 

The Democratic Republic of Congo, too, has enacted an export ban on raw materials. The central African nation’s Manono area is home to one of the world’s largest lithium deposits, but operations there have been delayed due to a dispute between Australian and Chinese companies over rights to the mine. 

Environmental Impacts

While seeing little economic benefit, communities living adjacent to the lithium mines reviewed in the Global Witness report are bearing the brunt of the ecological impacts from operations.

Lithium can be mined from salty marshes or from hard rock pegmatitic lithium ores or clays. 

The African continent is rich in hard rock lithium, which is mined by clearing land, digging enormous open pits and using machinery or tools to extract the ore. The process is water-intensive and can cause terrestrial and aquatic pollution from chemicals used to extract the metal. Locals, who are largely reliant on subsistence agriculture, say operations affect their crops, scare off wildlife, cause extreme amounts of dust to envelop their homes and emit excessive noise.

These impacts, and the communities they fall upon, are at the heart of a gross paradox of the global energy transition, Maguwu said, as countries that have produced little in the way of greenhouse gases warming the planet bear a disproportionate burden of the ills of lithium mining. Absent colossal shifts in the consumption patterns of wealthy economies, vast amounts of lithium and other materials are needed to rapidly deploy clean energy technologies needed to avert the worst impacts of climate change. 

People living in places like Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Namibia have contributed the least amount of the greenhouse gas emissions driving climate change, and they are also the most affected by the impacts of a warming planet, like more severe droughts and intense storms. 

“We are paying heavily for climate change and even more through more mining to address climate change; it’s simply shocking.” Maguwu said. “We are paying twice for a crime that we never committed.”

No more plundering: Can Africa take control in green mineral rush?

JOHANNESBURG/LAGOS/BRUSSELS –

From Zimbabwe’s lithium-rich rocks to Democratic Republic of Congo’s cobalt, minerals critical for clean energy technologies are increasingly in demand from Africa’s trade partners as part of the global green transition from planet-warming fossil fuels.

Yet on a continent long blighted by the so-called “resource curse” — whereby nations rich in oil or gold, for example, have failed to convert this into wider prosperity — governments have increasingly restricted or banned mineral exports in recent years in a bid to boost processing and retain more of the gains.

This strategy could backfire, however, by deterring foreign investment, several analysts said.

The European Union (EU), meanwhile, has voiced concern about growing export restrictions in Africa on critical minerals used in renewable and low-carbon technologies — from batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) to wind turbines.

More than a dozen African nations — including the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nigeria and Namibia — have restricted such exports intermittently or banned them outright, according to research published in May by the Africa Development Forum.

Former Nigerian mines and steel development minister Olamilekan Adegbite, who spearheaded a raw-ore export ban in the country in 2022, said African nations were calling for an end to the “plundering (of) the continent for raw materials.”

Despite being a major crude oil producer, Nigeria is heavily dependent on imports from overseas refineries. Adegbite said the ore ban, which incentivizes local processing or refining before exporting, aimed to avoid the same issue in the mining sector.

“Bring the industries to Africa so that our people can be employed,” said Adegbite.

As demand grows for such minerals for the energy transition, so are calls for export controls or bans in Africa — with the aim of moving beyond just mining and bringing more of the supply chain — and ensuing value and profits — within the continent.

Between 2017 and 2022, the energy sector was the main driver behind a tripling of demand for lithium, while demand for cobalt grew by 70% and nickel rose by 40%, according to a report released in July by the International Energy Agency (IEA).

But analysts at the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI), a non-profit policy institute, warned that blanket bans on critical mineral exports alone would not suffice to support the continent’s much-needed economic growth.

Without mineral processing infrastructure such as a battery value chain and strong frameworks to ensure tax revenues are used effectively, African nations could put off trade partners and limit investment into the mining sector, the analysts said.

“It’s an understandable strategy, but it’s a risky one,” said Thomas Scurfield, a senior Africa economic analyst at NRGI.

“I think it has to be backed up by analysis of the specific mineral … and then a strategy of how to actually make it work (for local benefit),” he said.

Can Africa shake the ‘resource curse?’

Many mineral-rich African nations are known for experiencing a “resource curse,” with bad governance linked to “corruption, environmental degradation, (and) human rights abuses,” said Silas Olang, NRGI’s Africa energy transition advisor.

But there is now a chance to buck the trend on the continent as the world “turns an eye on Africa’s minerals,” Olang added.

Africa has 30% of the world’s mineral reserves, many of which are needed for the green transition, including cobalt in DRC, manganese in South Africa and lithium in Zimbabwe, the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) said.

Minerals like cobalt, lithium and manganese are vital for battery performance, copper is integral for all electricity-related tech, while rare earth elements such as neodymium are used in permanent magnets that power EV motors and turbines.

DRC has banned exports of copper and cobalt concentrate intermittently since 2013 to encourage domestic processing, but it has issued regular waivers to the ban.

For export bans to really benefit African nations, however, governments would have to shift processing power — and ownership of it — locally, and make use of their renewable energy capacity to power it too, according to the NRGI analysts.

Only a tiny fraction of Africa’s mineral reserves are processed on the continent, whereas China — the global leader in mineral processing — refines 73% of all cobalt, 40% of copper, 59% of lithium and 67% of nickel, said the SAIIA, a think tank.

Franklin Cudjoe, CEO of policy think tank Imani Africa, said enforcing blanket bans on exports without the local capacity and funding to process critical minerals was counterproductive.

He highlighted a 2022 deal between DRC and Zambia to set up special economic zones for EVs and batteries in both nations — backed by private and public funding — describing it as a model other African governments could explore in the shift from exporting to domestic processing.

The African Union and other regional bodies are developing an African Green Minerals Strategy, which aims to improve mining regulation and institutions, and build a more attractive investment environment, among other objectives.

“This is a piece of paper, but it is a very important one … the important next step is how to translate that strategy into a practical one,” said Olang of NRGI, emphasizing the importance of regional collaboration between African nations.

Concerns from the EU

Resource export bans by African nations have sparked concern in the EU as it seeks alternative mineral trade partners to China and Russia, in the race to become climate-neutral by 2050.

An EU commission spokesperson said recent moves by Namibia to ban some exports of critical minerals may violate bilateral trade instruments and World Trade Organization (WTO) law.

In June, the Namibian government banned the export of unprocessed lithium and other minerals, about eight months after signing a memorandum of understanding with the EU to develop its supplies of rare earth minerals, as well as renewable hydrogen.

The EU intends to follow developments closely and to have “constructive dialogue” on finalizing the EU-Namibia partnership on sustainable raw materials, the commission spokesperson said.

In response to the risk of supply disruption, the EU unveiled in March its Critical Raw Materials Act (CRMA), which aims to make the bloc less dependent on single suppliers by boosting domestic mineral industries in countries such as DRC.

The policy offers the EU an opportunity to work hand-in-hand with African countries on a more equal footing, said German EU lawmaker Nicola Beer, who is in charge of steering the bill through the legislative process.

“The EU should not act as moral authority, but offer interested countries a long-term raw materials and value chain partnership that offers more than unilaterally profitable agreements, such as those pursued by China or Russia,” she said.

African nations should also be asking trade partners for help to improve tax policies and collection to meet welfare needs and fund renewable energy, said Scurfield of NRGI.

Ultimately, local investment is more important than trying to compete with China, according to Olang.

“Africa should not be bothered about China’s processing,” he said. “We should be bothered about how we utilize our minerals for the benefit of our people.”

The Challenge of Small-Scale Diamond Mining in South Africa

Anticipation fills the air as two young miners accompany their sorting supervisor into a modest tin-roofed structure perched atop a mound at the Baken mine. Marked by a sign proclaiming it the “Communal Artisanal Miners Diamond Jig Sorting House,” the space represents the culmination of their day’s work, where they eagerly await the results of their labor. Despite its unassuming appearance, supervisor David Venter reassures that security measures are in place, with surveillance cameras discreetly observing the room. Inside, a fellow worker empties a sieve onto a table, revealing gravel washed clean for the miners to meticulously sift through, hoping to uncover a precious diamond. However, luck doesn’t always favor them, as Venter explains the unpredictable nature of their finds, ranging from sizable discoveries to periods of dry spells.

Ensuring transparency and fairness, Marius Coetzee, general manager at Lower Orange River Diamonds (LOR), emphasizes the importance of involving the miners throughout the entire process, from pit to sorting house. Each miner is promptly compensated for any valuable stones they unearth, with an estimated sum paid on the spot and adjustments made if the stone fetches a higher price at auction. Working in teams within demarcated areas of the mine, known as communal artisanal miners (CAMs), these individuals employ traditional methods using basic tools to extract diamonds from gravel. Through reinvestment of their earnings, many CAMs have improved their equipment, enhancing their productivity and livelihoods. Katleen, a CAM team leader, speaks of the significance of their work in providing for their families, recalling past successes and remaining hopeful for future discoveries.

LOR envisions its CAM project as a model for fostering collaboration between mine owners and local communities, offering employment and skill-building opportunities in regions where such prospects are limited. Situated along South Africa’s west coast, near the border with Namibia, Baken boasts a landscape of rugged beauty, renowned for its diamond-rich terrain and stark coastal vistas. Operating within a region steeped in diamond mining history, Baken represents a continuation of this legacy, with LOR streamlining administrative processes to support both junior miners and CAMs alike.

As the Baken mine stands as a testament to the enduring allure of diamond mining in South Africa, it serves as a reminder of the untapped potential that lies within the earth’s depths, waiting to be unearthed by those willing to brave its challenges.

Gold and governance provide hope for Kenya’s artisanal miners

Fast-growing, unregulated mining in the remote north will test government efforts to clean up the industry.

Nestled in the vast semi-arid savanna of Dabel in northern Kenya, near the border with Ethiopia, lies the makeshift shanty mining town of Illo. The settlement sprang up in six short months starting in January 2023, and now accommodates over 20 000 people from Kenya and neighbouring countries.

Most of the gold mined in Illo is sold illegally in Kenya – with substantial amounts smuggled into Ethiopia by intermediaries for onward transfer to the Middle East, say local sources.

Legal artisanal and small-scale mining contributed $224 million to the Kenyan economy in 2022.

Legal artisanal and small-scale mining contributed US$224 million to the Kenyan economy in 2022, representing over half of the country’s mining output. The sector employs roughly 250 000 miners, 40% of whom are women, and supports the livelihoods of over 800 000 people. However, when unregulated, as is the case in Illo, it quickly becomes associated with crime, sexual violence, trafficking, conflict over resources and land, health and environmental hazards and corruption.

Kenya’s Mining Act (2016) recognises the importance of artisanal mining to the sector and the country’s economic growth. The government has also acknowledged the challenges, and in 2019 issued a moratorium on new mining and exploration licences. This froze the issuing of new permits, including for artisanal mining, as efforts were made to clean up the industry and map out the country’s mineral resources.

Kenya has lost billions of shillings in revenue because of the moratorium, which hasn’t prevented unlicensed and illegal mining activities, like those in Illo, from springing up. After lobbying from mining stakeholders, the moratorium was lifted on 3 October 2023. A series of progressive reforms were instituted to streamline the sector, including shutting down 3 000 illegal entities, conducting a countrywide mineral geo-survey, establishing a formula for sharing earnings, and declaring mineral smuggling an economic crime.

It’s too early to tell what impact these reforms will have, but for now, the harms continue. Miners are exposed to hazardous chemicals, extortion by cartels and criminals, poor pricing, labour trafficking and unhygienic working conditions. And environmental degradation continues. The challenges in Dabel are similar to those in artisanal mining sites in other parts of Kenya, like Migori, Kakamega, Transmara, Nandi and West Pokot.

Barely 50 km from the Kenya-Ethiopia border, the Illo mines have attracted hundreds of migrant miners with no mining permits from Ethiopia, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania and Somalia. While some are organised in groups, most engage in individual extractive activities.

Haro Jillo, an Ethiopian miner, says middlemen rent out hand-held gold detectors and small digging machines to the migrant miners. One gram of gold can be sold for KES7 000 (US$45). ‘It’s a game of chance,’ he says. ‘Many dig for months and get a few grams only to use the money obtained from the gold to pay the huge debts they owe to traders, leaving them to go home empty-handed. Others strike much gold within a few days.’

Artisanal mining in Kenya employs roughly 250 000 miners, 40% of whom are women

Tensions between locals and foreign miners have been simmering for months. Some locals feel they can’t compete with migrants due to a lack of resources and tools for extracting the gold. They fear that Kenya’s mineral wealth is being looted and their lands are being taken over.

While some miners, both locals and migrants, rely on the police to protect their extracted gold, many apparently also rely on illicit firearms for protection. Such reports were however denied by miners who spoke to the ENACT organised crime project.

Poor sanitation is also a problem in the sprawling mining town. According to unofficial sources, this triggered a cholera outbreak in May 2023, leading to 15 deaths. Sexual assault, substance abuse and drug trafficking are also rife.

Some community members want the mines to be closed, a call initially heeded by the government but later reversed. Other attempts to address the health and security crises at the mines by government agencies have proven futile in the face of competing interests of locals, miners, surrounding communities and national government.

Edin Adi, a local member of the county assembly, is in favour of mines remaining open. He blames the media for hyping the health and security concerns. He says the mines provide a glimmer of hope for thousands of locals and their Ethiopian neighbours who are destitute after drought and famine collapsed their livelihoods.

Ethiopian miner Ismail Ahmed told ENACT that the community elders had instituted strict customary laws to address security breaches and disputes between miners. They also enforced backfilling of dug-out mines every Sunday to mitigate environmental degradation.

Government should support existing community-initiated responsible mining practices

This aligns with the Mining Act, which calls for the sustainable use of land by restoring abandoned mines to their original state, or to an acceptable and reasonable level, as close as possible to its original state. The National Environmental Management Authority could further support and coordinate these community-initiated responsible mining practices.

Since lifting the moratorium, the government has finalised a countrywide mineral geo-survey and established a formula for sharing earnings. In a move to curb organised crime in the sector, it declared mineral smuggling an economic crime. Along with instituting these reforms at mine level, government needs to fast-track the issuing of new licences to artisanal miners to curb revenue loss.

Establishing devolved and national mining departments at sub-county levels, such as the county artisanal mining committees, is a positive development. It can ensure better regulation, safety and security, and supervision of unregulated artisanal sites and help protect small-scale miners from exploitation by middlemen and poor gold pricing.

Halkano Wario, East Africa Regional Organised Crime Observatory, ENACT, ISS Nairobi

As Sudan’s latest conflict intensifies, artisanal gold miners are caught in the crosshairs

On 17 April 2023, just before sunset in al-Ibaidiya, a Sudanese mining town on the banks of the River Nile about 400 kilometres north of Khartoum, four soldiers stormed the home of Omar Sheriff and dragged him out of his house. For hours, according to Sheriff, two of the soldiers searched his home, while the others held him hostage outside of his compound.

“They [the soldiers] falsely accused me of working with Russian merchants to smuggle gold out of Sudan,” Sheriff tells Equal Times. “They were hoping to find documents relating to gold smuggling operations at my home, but they couldn’t find anything incriminating.”

Ever since fighting broke out on 15 April between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), headed by Sudan’s de facto ruler General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and paramilitaries from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), headed by General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo (popularly known as ‘Hemedti’), dozens of artisanal miners in al-Ibaidiya have been harassed by government forces who accuse them of conniving with gold merchants from a nameless firm.

Known by locals only as ‘The Russian Company’, the gold company is said to be owned by the Wagner Group, a Russian private military organisation that initially “secured the exploiting and exporting of Sudanese gold to Russia,” according to the Council of the European Union, by supporting and collaborating with the SAF, before switching sides and providing training and military support to the RSF. By selling their gold to merchants who work for companies linked to Wagner, artisanal miners in gold towns like al-Ibaidiya have now become a target of the military, while receiving no official protection from the RSF.

On the same day that Sheriff was harassed by Sudanese forces, Mustafa el-Tahir, another miner in al-Ibaidiya was arrested by soldiers who seized him from his home and drove him to a military base, blindfolded, before questioning him for hours.

“They kept asking me for the names of the merchants I work closely with to smuggle gold out of the country,” el-Tahir tells Equal Times. “I kept insisting that I wasn’t involved in any illegal trade. They eventually released me after over six hours of interrogation.”

Sudan is the third largest producer of gold in Africa after South Africa and Ghana but according to an in-depth report by CNN, 85 per cent of its gold is sold illegally. Since 15 April, an estimated one million artisanal gold miners have found themselves – along with the rest of the population – in the middle of a power struggle between the two generals, former allies, whose forces are battling each other in a deadly power struggle that has reportedly killed over 700 people and forced hundreds of thousands of civilians out of their homes.

The Wagner Group, which was founded by Yevgeny Prigozhin – a key ally of Russian president Vladimir Putin – operates in various resource-rich African countries such as Mali, Libya and the Central Africa Republic. It has been accused of using the money it makes in Africa to fund its operations in Ukraine, where it plays a key part in the war and has an estimated 50,000 mercenaries fighting for Russia, according to the British defence ministry. Through its operations in Sudan – Meroe Gold and its Russian parent company M-Invest – the Wagner Group and several of its key figures are on an EU sanctions list for “serious human rights abuses, including torture and extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions and killings, in several countries, including Sudan”.

Dangerous working conditions made even more deadly by a vicious rivalry

In al-Ibaidiya, miners labour in the searing desert heat to hack gold from rocks before separating the metal from the rock using toxic chemicals like cyanide and mercury, both of which are incredibly harmful to both the miners and the environment. “Many miners from al-Ibaidiya have suffered kidney problems,” Fati Salau, a Nigerian doctor who worked in Sudan for six years, tells Equal Times. “It was clear that their situation was as a result of excessive inhalation of mercury vapour following chronic exposure to the chemical.”

Most miners in al-Ibaidiya earn less than US$100 a month, live in overcrowded compounds, work about 12-hour shifts and are typically only able to visit their families once every three months.

The gold they produce is mostly sold to merchants from a nearby gold processing factory, reportedly run by Wagner, which first surfaced in Sudan in 2017 on the invitation of the then-president Omar al-Bashir, before going on to create a close relationship with Hemedti.

Ever since the latter years of the al-Bashir dictatorship (1989-2019) Hemedti, who comes from a family of camel herders in Sudan’s western Darfur region, has enjoyed influence and power. He rose through the ranks of the Janjaweed to head the notorious Sudanese Arab militia group, which al-Bashir depended on in his campaign of ethnic cleansing against Darfur’s non-Arab peoples during the 2003-2005 war in Darfur, in which an estimated 300,000 people were killed. Despite not having any formal military training, al-Bashir appointed Hemedti as the leader of the newly formed RSF, which emerged from the Janjaweed in 2013. Four years later, Sudan passed a controversial law recognising the RSF as an independent security force.

But Hemedti would go on to betray his benefactor, who often relied on the RSF to quell various protests and rebellions in Sudan. At first, he joined forces with al-Burhan, who was by then the head of the army, in overthrowing al-Bashir following a popular uprising in 2019, Hemedti then positioned himself in the Transitional Military Council and later became a part of its successor, the Sovereignty Council. Now Hemedti, whose RSF forces were responsible for a brutal crackdown on a Khartoum protest camp in June 2019 that left over 100 people dead, has turned his guns in the direction of al-Burhan, in an attempt to seize power from his former ally and boss.

The face-off between al-Burhan and Hemedti has led to the targeting of entities with close links to Hemedti – who has amassed a personal fortune through his own gold interests. This includes mining companies run by the Wagner Group and the artisanal miners that sell gold to these companies. But Tahir, who has been mining gold in al-Ibaidiya since 2018, says that he and his colleagues are only trying to make money to survive. “We only sell gold to merchants who come to us in al-Ibaidiya and not to people outside Sudan as the authorities are claiming,” he says. “We are just being targeted because we sell gold to people who have scores to settle with the government.”

“We are living in danger”

In recent years, the gold-trading sector in Sudan has been dominated by entities linked to Wagner, which smuggles much of the gold it produces out of Sudan. Last July, an investigation by CNN revealed that a Russian aircraft had been flying gold out of Sudan to the Syrian port city of Latakia, where Russia has had a major airbase since 2015, when it was invited by the Assad regime to support its forces in the ongoing Syrian civil war.

CNN reported that in 2021 as much as 32.7 tons of Sudanese gold, worth about US$1.9 billion, went unaccounted for. It also reported that when al-Burhan and Hemedti had a good relationship, Wagner worked closely with Sudan’s military junta to ensure that billions of dollars in gold bypassed the Sudanese treasury in exchange for the Russian government’s political and military backing.

Since the beginning of the year – the same period during which reports of a strained relationship between al-Burhan and Hemedti began to emerge – the Sudanese military government began to crack down on mining sector operators whom they accuse of smuggling and undermining the economy. On 14 January, authorities arrested a Russian national and head of security at Al-Sawlaj Ltd, a Wagner-linked mining company located near Atbara, 280 kilometres north of Khartoum, on the grounds that he was carrying five kilograms (161 ounces) of illicit gold. In the weeks that followed, 36 Russians and 22 local employees were questioned by security operatives on allegations of illegal gold trading before being released. But it is the targeting of local artisanal miners that has raised concerns.

“Dozens of artisanal miners have either been arrested or questioned by authorities since January,” Yaser Taifour, a human rights lawyer who offers legal services to a number of miners in al-Ibaidiya, tells Equal Times. “They are accused of being involved in gold smuggling, but these miners only sell to merchants, many of whom are from the nearby Russian company, and they do not determine how these merchants in turn sell the gold that they buy.”

Miners are not just worried by the regular harassment by Sudanese authorities, they are also concerned about their safety. Since the middle of April, a number of artisanal miners in al-Ibaidiya are said to be missing, while some others have fled the country as a result of constant government intimidation.

“I had to run away [from al-Ibaidiya] after two of my close friends and colleagues suddenly went missing last month,” Ammar al-Tash, an artisanal miner who fled al-Ibaidiya to neighbouring Chad in late April, tells Equal Times. “If I had remained [in al-Ibaidiya], I would probably have gone missing at some point.”

Miners who stayed continue to fear for their lives. Those fears have been compounded by recent reports that the Wagner Group has been arming RSF paramilitaries in northern Sudan, raising concerns that the Sudanese military may target more miners in retribution. “We don’t know when this constant harassment will end,” says Sheriff. “All we know is that as long as this war goes on, the military will keep coming after us. We are living in danger.”

Unearthing a crisis: South Africa’s battle against illegal mining

Illegal mining in South Africa presents significant economic, social, and security challenges. It’s complex history, violence and crime it fosters, the implications of the recent military intervention, and insights from Al Jazeera’s Gold Mafia documentary, all highlight the depth and interconnected nature of this crisis.

Artisanal and small-scale mining in South Africa, recognised post-1994, was initially seen as a potential avenue for socio-economic development and empowerment for historically disadvantaged individuals.

This optimistic view, however, has been overshadowed by the emergence of a widespread illegal mining industry – or as we know them, ’zama-zama’s’. The economic impact of this illegal industry is staggering. Operating mines face losses of up to 7 billion rand annually, directly affecting South Africa’s economy.

Beyond the direct losses, the illegal mining activities, especially in gold, siphon off an estimated value of over R14 billion annually from the legal market. This massive economic leakage not only undermines the legal mining sector but also deprives the South African economy of crucial revenue streams, impacting exports, taxes, and royalties.

The shift from a potentially beneficial industry to a source of economic drain can be attributed to several factors, including legislative gaps and socio-economic challenges. The lack of a supportive regulatory framework for artisanal miners has inadvertently led to the growth of an illegal and unregulated sector. This sector, while initially driven by the need for livelihood, has evolved into a sophisticated network that operates with a level of organisation and reach that poses a serious challenge to legal operations and national governance.

The ties that bind: A surge in crime and illegal mining

The surge in illegal mining has led to an alarming increase in violence and criminal activities, particularly in mineral-rich areas such as the Witwatersrand Basin. The term ‘zama zamas’ has become synonymous with illegal miners, many of whom are involved in violent confrontations with security forces and law enforcement agencies.

These miners, often equipped with heavy weaponry, engage in activities that go beyond mere illegal mining. They are involved in turf wars, armed assaults, and other forms of organised crime, contributing significantly to the deterioration of law and order in mining areas.

The impact of these activities extends beyond the immediate areas of operation. Mining communities are experiencing increased social unrest, with a rise in prostitution, substance abuse, and general lawlessness. These issues are symptomatic of the broader socio-economic challenges faced by these communities, where illegal mining often presents itself as one of the few available means of livelihood. The cycle of violence and criminality thus not only affects the mining sector but also erodes the social fabric of these communities, making the problem of illegal mining not just an economic issue but also a significant social concern.

Deploying the military – a panacea, not a cure

In an attempt to address the growing crisis, President Cyril Ramaphosa authorised a significant military intervention under “Operation Prosper” just over a week ago. The deployment of 3 300 army personnel, involving an expenditure of around R492 million, represents a serious commitment by the government to tackle the issue head-on.

However, the effectiveness of this intervention in addressing the complex root causes of illegal mining remains uncertain. While the presence of the military might provide temporary relief in terms of security and may deter some illegal mining activities, it is not a sustainable solution to the underlying socio-economic drivers such as unemployment, poverty, and the lack of legal alternatives for small-scale mining.

The decision to deploy the military also raises questions about the potential for human rights abuses and the impact on the communities involved. Past experiences in other contexts have shown that military interventions in complex socio-economic issues can have unintended consequences, including exacerbating tensions and leading to confrontations between the military and local communities.

Therefore, while the military deployment is a clear indication of the seriousness with which the government is treating the issue, it also highlights the need for a more comprehensive approach that goes beyond security measures to address the socio-economic factors contributing to the rise of illegal mining.

Private sector efforts to curb illegal mining

In the face of these challenges, mining companies such as Sibanye-Stillwater have implemented a range of security and community engagement measures to combat illegal mining activities. Their approach includes advanced security measures like biometric access control systems, aerial surveillance using unmanned aerial vehicles, and comprehensive screening procedures to prevent unauthorized access to mining areas.

These measures have resulted in numerous arrests of illegal miners and disciplinary actions against employees found aiding such activities. The company also recognises the broader social impact of illegal mining, including community coercion and environmental degradation, and has implemented community development programmes aimed at providing alternative livelihoods.

Community collaborations

In addition to security measures, mining companies are focusing on collaborations with local communities and authorities. These collaborations aim to address the root causes of illegal mining by providing education, job opportunities, and alternative income sources. This holistic approach is essential to reduce the attractiveness of illegal mining as a means of survival.

By investing in community development and working closely with local authorities, mining companies can help build more resilient communities that are less susceptible to the lure of illegal mining. These initiatives, while contributing to the security of mining operations, also have the potential to create a more stable and prosperous environment for the communities surrounding these operations.

Legislative and policy initiatives

Addressing the legislative and policy gap is a critical component of the solution to the illegal mining crisis. Recent efforts to formalise and support artisanal mining through new policies are steps in the right direction. These initiatives aim to provide a legal framework that supports artisanal miners, ensuring their operations are economically beneficial while adhering to safety and environmental standards. However, the implementation of these policies has been slow, and there has been criticism over their lack of consideration for public input and practical enforcement measures.

Looking at the global context, there are examples of countries where artisanal mining has been successfully managed and integrated into the formal economy. Nations like Ghana and Colombia have developed policies that provide legal avenues and support for artisanal miners, balancing economic development with environmental and social responsibilities. South Africa can draw valuable lessons from these examples to develop a more effective and holistic approach to managing its artisanal mining sector.

Insights from Al Jazeera’s ‘The Gold Mafia’

Al Jazeera’s seminal on illegal mining has revealed the depth and complexity of the illegal mining network, highlighting its far-reaching implications. The investigation has shown that illegal mining is not just a local issue but part of a broader network of corruption and criminality involving high-ranking officials in South Africa and Zimbabwe, to include major banks such as ABSA, Standard Bank and Sasfin, all of which were implicated in the laundering and transfer of money from the illicit gold trade.

This interconnectedness underscores the need for a comprehensive approach that addresses both the criminal elements and the systemic issues that facilitate this illegal trade. In South Africa as of yet, no arrests of any major players implicated in the documentary have been made.

Moving forward

The solution to the crisis of illegal mining in South Africa lies in addressing its root causes. This includes creating economic opportunities, improving governance, and ensuring that the wealth generated from the country’s mineral resources is equitably distributed. A coordinated, multi-sectoral approach involving government, the mining industry, communities, and international partners is essential to develop sustainable solutions that address both the immediate challenges and the underlying causes of illegal mining.

South Africa’s Small-Scale Diamond Mining Dilemma

There’s anticipation in the air as two young miners follow their sorting supervisor into a tin-roofed structure atop a mound at the Baken mine. A sign at the entrance announces the space as the “Communal Artisanal Miners Diamond Jig Sorting House,” which is another way to signal the end of the recovery process — where the miners receive the results of their day’s labor.

Don’t be fooled by the simplicity of the room, suggests supervisor David Venter, a tall, well-spoken veteran diamond miner, with his deep voice and a hint of a smile. Inside, the paneled walls are decorated with just two posters — a satellite image of Baken and a “Guide to dangerous snakes” — but there are security cameras all around the room, he shares.

Another man overturns a pizza-shaped sieve onto a table, removing the gauze that reveals the washed-out gravel for the miners to sort through, the last remaining heap of stones from their mining efforts that may contain their coveted diamond. After just a few minutes of careful sifting, it’s clear this lot did not contain the riches they sought.

“It’s like a lucky packet here; you just don’t know what you’re going to get,” Venter says. “The biggest diamond we’ve found here was an 18-carat stone, but you can also go for a while without finding anything.”

The important part is to have the miners present throughout the process, explains Marius Coetzee, general manager at Lower Orange River Diamonds (LOR), which owns the Baken mine. The diggers need the assurance they’re not being cheated out of a potential windfall, so they follow the ore they’ve dug from the pit through to the jig, where it is washed and processed, and finally to the sorting house. And if they find a stone, they’re paid an estimated sum immediately and topped up if it exceeds that price when it’s sold at tender.  

The miners work in teams of five or six, known as communal artisanal miners (CAMs), in a pit at Baken demarcated for artisanal diggers. There are over 20 CAMs working the concession, which is no longer suitable for mechanized operations, but still contains diamonds that can be unearthed with a pick and shovel. By reinvesting their profits, most CAMs have bought motorized drills to break up the hard rock, as well as other equipment that eases their workload. Some miners have acquired a small truck to manage the arduous gravel road they travel each day to the site. The project services four communities in the surrounding area. 

Katleen, a CAM team leader, explains she’s putting bread on the table for five dependents and their families. The biggest recovery her team has unearthed was a 12-carater, she recalls with an air of excitement and hope that the feat can be repeated, even if it has been about a month since they uncovered their last stone.

“We don’t find diamonds every day, but when we do, many people benefit,” she says. “Even if it’s a small amount, it all helps.”

Kimberlites and rivers

LOR believes its CAM project can serve as a model of collaboration between mine owners and the communities in which they operate, providing employment, skills, and sustenance opportunities in areas where such prospects are scarce.

Baken covers an area of 41,334 hectares on which around 10 junior miners work concessions in formal mining that is separate to the CAMs. LOR centralizes much of the admin and regulatory work for the different operations and aggregates and sells the goods on their behalf. That helps reduce the bureaucracy and costs that inhibit many junior miners around the country.

The operation is located on South Africa’s west coast near the border of Namibia; an arid area of “ugly beauty,” as one of the locals put it, famous for its desert daisies and its wild cold Atlantic Ocean coastline.

It’s equally famous for its diamonds, an area where De Beers operated in the past, and where government-owned Alexkor manages its operations over a vast space adjacent to Baken, ranging from mechanized alluvial deposits, more risky beach mining, shallow-water mining and deeper marine mining — all operated by various concession holders. Not far away, across the border, are De Beers’ Namibia projects.

The area gained an almost mythical status given its location around the mouth of the Orange River, where the river meets the sea. Diamonds have traveled that distance over millions of years from various famous kimberlites via volcanic eruptions that burst into the atmosphere.

In fact, diamonds at alluvial mines in the area were carried there by three rivers that sourced from different kimberlites, explains Lyndon de Meillon, a diamond entrepreneur and geologist with interests in alluvial mining projects along the Middle Orange River as well as with Pioneer Diamond Tender House.

Those include the Riet River, which drains diamonds from the Koffiefontein and Jagersfontein kimberlites. Eruptions from the kimberlites in Kimberley contributed to the alluvial deposits along the Vaal River, and the Lesotho kimberlites — Letšeng and Kao among them — fed into the deposits along the Orange before its point of confluence with the Vaal. Beyond the point where the rivers meet, further northward — such as at Baken — the Orange contains a mix of stones from the three rivers.

“You have a unique situation in which you have six or seven world-class kimberlites within the drainage of these three rivers,” de Meillon explains. “If you look at the populations of diamonds in these three rivers, there are clear differences and changes in value, which tells you they come from different kimberlites.”

Production from the Middle Orange River, which is before the confluence, is known to yield some of the highest-quality and valuable diamonds in the market, de Meillon reports. A 29.52-carat pink diamond recovered from the area sold at a tender by Pioneer in Johannesburg last year for $8 million. Beyond the point of convergence, where there is a mix of kimberlite sources, the diamonds have a lower value.

100 years of mining

Perhaps more importantly, geological estimates suggest there are still substantial volumes of diamonds in these alluvial deposits. That is despite the maturity of mining in the area. De Meillon believes there is potentially another 100 years of alluvial activity that can take place there at a rate of around 300,000 carats a year.

But fulfilling this potential would require the right economic and regulatory environment, he insists. Such conditions are not taking shape in South Africa, members of the South African Diamond Producers Organisation (SADPO) noted in panel discussions at the Kimberley International Diamond Symposium (KIDS), which took place in Kimberley in late August.

SADPO and its constituents of junior and small-scale miners note their difficulty in navigating the regulatory environment. In addition to the lengthy process required to attain or renew various licenses, the regulations also entail additional costs, says de Meillon, who serves as vice president of SADPO.

He estimates that the cost of compliance for a small operator adds about 7% to the production expenses. “Add to that the 5% export levy on rough diamonds and you’re down 12% before you even start mining,” de Meillon notes. “That’s totally crazy.”

While the diamond sector has its own challenges and considerations, South Africa’s mineral policy takes a broader approach to address the concerns of the mining industry as a whole. Policy is focused on the bigger conglomerates and larger sectors such as gold, platinum, and iron ore and is also expected to apply to the small-scale diamond sector, which has unique requirements, stresses John Bristow, a veteran diamond-mining consultant.

Bristow also points to factors such as the lack of reliable electricity supply in South Africa, which plays a role in raising costs for miners, impacts efficiency and reduces confidence to invest in the sector.

Those considerations have combined with the weaker global diamond market to put pressure on the country’s small-scale miners. The drop in rough prices in the past year has meant that lower-value operations have become less economically viable.

“We’ve got to get through the next six months as prices are dropping,” de Meillon warned in an interview in October. “But there are those who can’t survive and they will be gone. It’s a big issue; we’re going to see big problems in Africa and globally.”

His dire predictions have started to come true. One or two operations were put on care and maintenance in December and January, including at the Helam fissure mine, where some 350 people were employed, reports Bristow.

Untapped potential

There is an upside if the country can change the regulatory environment, ensure a quicker licensing process, and provide reliable electricity, Bristow stresses. In addition, the application of new technology that is available today, such as specialized X-ray capabilities to avoid stone breakage, means that some of the projects that were previously deemed uneconomical may be revived, Bristow reassures.

Along with the potential to attract investment, the mining executives at SADPO’s KIDS symposium stressed that the small-scale mining sector could stimulate employment in areas that most need it.

The Northern Cape, the province through which the Orange River meanders after the confluence, has an unemployment rate of 22.1%, according to Statistics South Africa, which is admittedly better than the national average of 32.7%. However, many of the mining operations are in remote locations and rural areas where unemployment is at 50% and can reach as high as 80%, according to research the Africa Earth Observatory Network (AEON) published in partnership with Nelson Mandela University in 2021.

The paper, titled “Status of the South African Small and Junior Diamond Mining Sector,” highlighted the decline of the industry over the past two decades. In 2004, the segment consisted of 2,000 companies employing 25,000 people, whereas in 2020 it had just 220 entities with 5,720 employees, the paper noted.

“The sector previously produced 300,000 carats per year valued at ZAR 4.2 billion [$222 million], but the industry faces declining production and revenue trends,” the authors stressed. The situation is highlighted by the decline in South Africa’s overall diamond production, which has dwindled as its large kimberlite operations have closed or become less lucrative. The country’s diamond production fell from 15.56 million carats in 2004 to 9.66 million carats in 2022, according to Kimberley Process data.

While no new major mines appear to be on the horizon, SADPO and others believe the small-scale miners can make a positive contribution.

“This important small mining sector faces considerable challenges and further decline unless its potential contributions in respect of the exceptional quality of its diamond production, financial contributions, and job-creation benefits are recognized and supported, and enabling mineral and mining policy is introduced as a priority,” the AEON researchers concluded.

Illegal miners

A focused approach would also help bring many informal miners into a more structured employment or entrepreneurial realm. In the absence of employment, informal miners from the rural areas converge on the many abandoned mining sites scattered around South Africa. While this has mainly affected the gold sector, diamonds are not immune.

Thousands of illegal miners — known in South Africa as Zama Zamas — descended last year on an almost deserted smalltown called Kleinzee in the Northern Cape, where De Beers had previously operated. The two main concerns for these miners are that they typically sell their goods on the black market, below market value, and the more obvious safety issues. In August, 13 miners were killed when a tunnel collapsed, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) reported.

SADPO believes investments in small-scale operations could enable the mines to entice locals away from illegal activity and provide them with employment or mining opportunities such as within the CAM program at Baken. The miners also become educated in responsible mining practice. At Baken, for example, the CAMs have a safety meeting at the beginning of each day, Coetzee notes.

There are other scattered attempts to provide artisanal miners with a formal structure at South Africa’s aged and abandoned diamond sites. In Kimberley, workers are given permits to work their way through the soil across vast areas predominantly owned by Ekapa Mining.

People first

Around 2007, the artisanal mining operations in Kimberley were marred by violence among the miners — who were at the time illegal — and between miners and law enforcement. By 2015, the miners were encouraged to organize into cooperatives, allowing them to gain permits to mine land provided by Ekapa. The company had bought the Kimberley mining operations from Petra Diamonds, which had previously acquired them from De Beers.

The largest of the cooperatives, Batho Pele, has 800 card-carrying members and about 1,200 non-card-carrying ones on its database, says Rasta, a charismatic operator who is one of seven directors of Batho Pele.

The members take their production to Batho Pele’s sales office in downtown Kimberley — around the corner from De Beers’ iconic former headquarters overlooking the town’s Big Hole landmark. The cooperative works with CS Diamonds, a local tender house, to sell the goods.

“When we were illegal, we were selling on the black market, under the trees,” Rasta notes. “Now, our members find a diamond and bring it to us and get a valuation, and we take it to CS Diamond, which gives them insurance. And when the stone is bought, they have a say in the sale.”

While production at the cooperative is comparatively low — 300 carats is a “beautiful month” — notes Rasta, the system at least attempts to provide miners with a fair price. An 8.77-carat rough stone sold for ZAR 1.8 million ($95,000) at the time of Rapaport’s interview with Rasta. Batho Pele takes a 2% commission as the concession holder, while CS Diamonds also takes a small cut.

The system has allowed Batho Pele to grow, and it has now applied for a small-scale mining concession along the Orange River.

But trust is an issue, and some miners at one of the Batho Pele sites, informally known as Beefeater given its proximity to a factory of that name, expressed doubt about where to sell their stones — that is, if they found any. The miners appear despondent about their lack of success, most going months on end without any luck.

Beyond simple survival, their ultimate goal is to raise their status, perhaps advance their standing in the industry and make a positive contribution to their country.

The barriers to such opportunities are similar to those faced by the small-scale miners, with the lengthy and costly process of applying for mining permits also blocking development among artisanal miners.

“This situation whereby a 5-hectare mining permit takes as long as 13 months is untenable, and for an emerging honest historically disadvantaged South African small-scale miner is unaffordable and unacceptable,” the AOEN report stated. “This situation is one of the key reasons and drivers for the burgeoning illegal and unmanaged artisanal and Zama Zama mining growth in all commodities across South Africa.”

The SADPO mining executives share the frustration. The industry can play a role in reducing the illegal mining activity in the country by involving the local population with employment, skills development, and community upliftment, de Meillon notes. But it requires support from the government to ensure the longevity of the trade.    

“It’s a relatively small industry when you consider South Africa’s full spectrum of mining, so the 350,000 carats from alluvial diamond mining may be a lower priority for the government,” he stresses. “But if you think about jobs, 20,000 jobs are a lot of jobs, especially in the rural areas, and yet there’s no effort to solve these issues.”

He concludes: “We know what is wrong with the legislation, and we’re trying to get the message across to government, with very little success at this stage.”

More than 70 dead in artisanal mine collapse in Mali

More than 70 people have died in southwest Mali after an artisanal gold mine collapsed last week, officials have said, the latest disaster in a region prone to mining accidents.

Karim Bethe, a senior National Geology and Mining Directorate official, shared the details with The Associated Press on Wednesday, calling it an accident.

Oumar Sidibe, an official for gold miners in the southwestern town of Kangaba, as well as a local councillor, confirmed the death toll to the AFP news agency.

“It started with a noise. The earth started to shake,” Sidibe said. “There were over 200 gold miners in the field.”

While it was not clear what caused the mine collapse that occurred on Friday, the Ministry of Mines said in a statement on Tuesday that it estimated “several” miners had been killed in the Kangaba district in southwestern Koulikoro region.

The ministry said it “deeply regretted” the collapse and urged miners and communities in the area to “comply with safety requirements”.

A spokesperson for the ministry, Baye Coulibaly, also told the Reuters news agency on Wednesday that the gold panners dug galleries “without complying with the required standards”.

“We have advised them against it on several occasions in vain,” Coulibaly said.

Mali’s government offered its “deepest condolences to the grieving families and to the Malian people”.

It also called on “communities living near mining sites and gold miners to scrupulously respect safety requirements and to work only within the perimeters dedicated to gold panning”.

Small-scale, informal artisanal miners are often accused of ignoring safety measures, especially in remote areas, and accidents like these are common in Mali, Africa’s third-largest gold producer.

“The state must bring order to this artisanal mining sector to avoid these kinds of accidents in the future,” Berthe told AP.

While Mali’s mining sector is dominated by foreign groups, including Canada’s Barrick Gold and B2Gold, Australia’s Resolute Mining and Britain’s Hummingbird Resources, artisanal mines continue to flourish and attract thousands of gold miners.

“Gold is by far Mali’s most important export, comprising more than 80 percent of total exports in 2021,” according to the International Trade Administration within the US Department of Commerce.

It added that more than two million people, or over 10 percent of Mali’s population, depend on the mining sector for income.

Mali produced 72.2 tonnes of gold in 2022 and the metal contributed 25 percent of the national budget, 75 percent of export earnings and 10 percent of gross domestic product,  former Minister of Mines Lamine Seydou Traore said last year.

But gold mining in the Sahel region is dangerous, and human rights organisations have repeatedly condemned the use of child labour in artisanal mining operations.